Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 51

The Three Principles of the People experienced a significant theoretical breakthrough after the Boxer Rebellion, as traditional scholar-official elites began joining the revolutionary party, thus revising Sun Yat-sen's abstract Three Principles of the People and integrating them with Chinese practice. At the same time, constitutional monarchy was rapidly becoming the mainstream view of reformism, which also meant that the idea of ​​"Chinese learning as the foundation" was no longer viable.

In other words, after the Boxer Rebellion, both the revolutionaries and the reformists reached a consensus that traditional culture could no longer save the country. To save the nation, they had to learn from foreign countries. The revolutionaries adopted the republican system, while the reformists adopted the constitutional monarchy. In addition to these two mainstream ideas, there were other branches, such as saving the nation through education, saving the nation through militarism, and saving the nation through industry.

The fundamental reason why the Labour Party was able to grow rapidly in the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River and win over the region's intellectual elite was that its socialist theory was more complete and logically consistent than that of republicanism and constitutional monarchy. Guided by this theory, the Labour Party began to absorb the working class and national capital, accumulating material and organizational strength for the revolution. This was naturally more attractive to progressive forces than a revolutionary uprising based on luck or a self-serving constitutional monarchy.

The reason the Self-Reliance Army halted its uprising and went into hiding as advised by Tian Junyi was because the Workers' Party had indeed presented a more reliable revolutionary plan. Even though Wu Luzhen still leaned towards militarism—almost all the young people who joined the army to save the country at this time were militarists, especially soldiers who had studied at Japanese military academies—he couldn't engage in theoretical debate with Lin Xinyi. This was because militarism was essentially a slogan; it could only survive by attaching itself to nationalism.

Lin Xinyi now directly targets nationalism, arguing that nationalism cannot defeat imperialism, and therefore militarism cannot survive independently. While the Workers' Party's organizational structure is still somewhat different from Lenin's party, it has essentially become a club-like model of symposiums, with internal party struggles almost entirely consisting of thorough theoretical debates.

It was precisely because Tian Junyi established the correct way of internal party struggle from the very beginning that Lin Xinyi's process of persuading the committee members tonight went relatively smoothly, because he did not need to consider the factionalism of the committee members, he only needed to refute them theoretically.

Among these committee members, the most theoretically outstanding were Tian Junyi and Qin Lishan. Wu Luzhen could only be considered a soldier with ideas, far from having a complete political ideology. He was good at persuading young people who were not experienced in the world, but he was quickly defeated when faced with Lin Xinyi, who had received a systematic political education.

After Wu Luzhen calmed down, the other committee members, seeing Tian Junyi and Qin Lishan's support for Lin Xinyi, no longer dared to underestimate him. Although the revolutionaries didn't care about age, what mattered was ability, Lin Xinyi did seem rather immature to them, making it difficult for them to accept that this was Lin Feng, the main proponent of the party's theories.

However, after Lin Xinyi refuted Wu Luzhen, everyone finally believed that this young man was indeed the main proponent of the Party's theories; perhaps he just looked young. Having unified everyone's understanding of the interconnectedness of world revolutions, Lin Xinyi then offered several views on the current progress of the Chinese revolution.

First, he believes that the current Chinese revolution has developed to a stage where it is no longer just a matter of a few people conducting revolutionary propaganda to make the Chinese people understand what revolution is. At least in Hubei province, the current Chinese revolution has entered a stage of vying for local control with the Qing Dynasty and local gentry.

Continuing to adopt the approach of having the Party responsible for all work at this stage would obviously divert most of the Party members' energy to trivial matters, hindering the Party's further growth. Therefore, he advocated establishing local organs under the leadership of the Party, creating a four-tiered organization at the provincial, prefectural, municipal, and county levels. Local elites unsuitable for Party membership would be incorporated into these organizations, with the Party only responsible for leading them and no longer handling specific operations. Regarding grassroots units, he supported Tian Junyi's earlier idea of ​​upgrading cooperatives, using communes as the basic organizational units for the revolution.

The second point is to establish independent military organs, corresponding to the four levels of provincial, prefectural, municipal, and county-level organizations, with divisions, brigades, regiments, and battalions as the units responsible for the military organizations within the scope of each local organization, and the military units corresponding to the communes as companies.

Political and military organs are independent of each other, but must be unified under the leadership of the Party. When the time for revolution is ripe, the military organs must assist the political organs in seizing local power and defending the political organs, while the political organs must provide personnel and resources to the military organs to ensure their survival.

Wu Luzhen felt that this was the most important speech of the night, and that Comrade Lin Feng was indeed a genius in revolution.

Chapter 174 The way forward

As the meeting was drawing to a close, Lin Xinyi finally discussed the specific strategy for sending troops to Tibet: "Sending troops to Tibet is not only a military action, but also a political declaration. It is an action by which the Workers' Party promotes its political views to the people of the whole country and puts them into practice, in order to test and call on the Chinese people's enthusiasm for the revolution."

Therefore, the expeditionary force is not merely a fighting force; it will also be a political and propaganda force. We must use propaganda to tell the people why we oppose colonial invasion, what freedom is, and how to fight for their freedom, thereby gaining their support and solidarity.

This will be a great attempt by the labor party to organize and practice revolution, and a process of organizing and transforming progressive youth into revolutionary youth. Since the Qing government and the landlord class cannot oppose imperialism and colonial invasion, we will naturally become the leaders who shoulder this great task.

We must not only publicize this proposition to the masses, but also earnestly educate and propagate it within the Party, so that they understand and endorse the Party's decisions. Therefore, I suggest that a national Party congress be convened to thoroughly discuss the Party's revolutionary line, thereby unifying the Party's understanding and consolidating Party unity.

Apart from Wu Luzhen, who wanted to understand how the expedition to Tibet could be combined with politics and propaganda, the others didn't dwell on the details. Everyone focused on establishing political and military organs under the leadership of the Party. This policy gave everyone the feeling that the revolution was like a train, moving forward rapidly, leaving them somewhat breathless.

When the meeting ended, Wu Luzhen really wanted to stay and talk to Lin Xinyi alone, but seeing Tian Junyi and Qin Lishan talking to Lin Xinyi, he knew that the other party wouldn't have much time for him tonight, so he could only say goodbye and go to sleep.

On the other side, after seeing off the committee members, Lin Xinyi, Tian Junyi, and Qin Lishan returned to the room for a discussion. Lin Xinyi said to the two of them: "There are several significances to convening the National Congress of the Party. The first significance is to clarify what the Party's ideology is. Although I only attended two meetings in Shanghai, I have already felt that the Party's grassroots organizations have not exerted their true fighting power."

Because the party members at the grassroots level do not have a deep understanding of the party's ideology, they follow the instructions of their superiors. Apart from doing a decent job in the workers' literacy campaign, they are still quite far from being able to mobilize workers for political activities.

However, the purpose of literacy campaigns for workers was not simply to improve their knowledge level, but to educate the working class about the oppression they suffered and to help party members understand the origins of this oppression. In this way, party members and workers could be closely united through organized actions to resist oppression.

If it's just about teaching workers to recognize a few words, the bourgeoisie could do that too, so why do the revolutionaries have to do it? A well-educated working class would also improve factory productivity, and capitalists would eventually push for compulsory education for the people.

Therefore, the content of education is the biggest difference between the proletariat's and the bourgeoisie's understanding of education. We hope to educate a working class that resists oppression and pursues social justice, while capitalists need a cultured and docile working class. If we cannot distinguish this point, then literacy campaigns for workers will not strengthen the working class.

Not only are grassroots Party members completely unaware of this issue, but many Party leaders also lack a deep understanding of it. I am deeply concerned about this. Once Party members have an ambiguous stance on the Party's line, they will inevitably waver when faced with crucial choices, which means that the Party will split internally at critical moments.

The Labour Party appears to be developing smoothly, constantly strengthening its power, which has given many members the illusion that revolution is as simple as eating and drinking. But this is a misconception. The reason the Labour Party is able to live so peacefully is because you haven't truly revealed your intentions yet.

Once the banner of anti-imperialism and anti-feudalism is raised, the Workers' Party will immediately become the target of public criticism; even the Germans themselves might abandon you. Can the current party withstand that pressure from both internal and external enemies? I think it's dangerous.”

Qin Lishan and Tian Junyi remained almost completely silent, listening intently as Lin Xinyi expressed his views on the party. They had originally thought that the Labor Party was quite perfect compared to other revolutionary parties, but they hadn't expected that it still had so many problems.

Upon hearing this, Tian Junyi wholeheartedly said to Lin Xinyi, "I think you should stay in Wuhan; the city needs you more."

Lin Xinyi glanced at Tian Junyi and Qin Lishan and said, “No, my place is not here. Wuhan should not only be the center of the Chinese revolution, but also the center of the Asian revolution. Only when you develop can other parts of Asia be swept up in a real revolutionary wave. Similarly, the revolutionary sentiment in other parts of Asia will disperse the power of imperialism, thus creating a more favorable opportunity for the success of the Chinese revolution.”

Speaking of this, I hope that at this National Congress, the Party can put forward the idea of ​​an Asian alliance. The Party should not only focus on the liberation of the Chinese people, but also pay attention to the national liberation and anti-imperialist and anti-feudal movements in regions such as India, North Korea, Vietnam, Myanmar, Java, Laos, Cambodia, and Malaysia.

While we are advancing into Tibet and India, the Party should also seize this opportunity to expand into Sichuan, Guizhou, Yunnan, Myanmar, and Vietnam, preparing for the self-liberation of the people in these regions. If we are truly successful in establishing a foothold in the Indian subcontinent, the next step will inevitably be to liberate the people of Myanmar, thus establishing a transportation route with the rest of the country. And this route from Yunnan, Guizhou, and Sichuan to Wuhan will require your assistance in pioneering it…”

The three discussed Party building until dawn, at Qin Lishan's suggestion, they went back to their bedrooms to rest. When Lin Xinyi got up and washed, he realized he had only slept for three or four hours, but he felt quite refreshed. While he was washing up, Tian Junyi also got up, and soon Qin Lishan went into the courtyard.

The three exchanged a smile, and Lin Xinyi spoke first: "Let's not talk about Party building today. I just want to see the development of Wuhan."

Tian Junyi immediately nodded in agreement and said to Lin Xinyi, "I was just thinking of taking you to see the construction progress in Hankou. You should at least know what the future revolutionary heartland will look like."

The three towns of Wuhan originally consisted of only Hanyang and Wuchang. However, Hankou opened as a treaty port in 1861, separating it from the Hanyang area and becoming a separate city. While Wuhan is still considered three separate cities today, Wuchang was the most developed city before 1861. Hankou's development surpassed Hanyang's after its opening. However, during Zhang Zhidong's administration of Hubei and Hunan, he heavily invested in modern industry in Hanyang and Wuchang, allowing them to catch up.

Standing on the north bank of the Han River Railway Bridge, which is currently under construction, one can see the magnificent Hanyang Iron and Steel Plant across the river. Only by seeing this steel plant can one truly feel China's progress towards modernization. Standing next to Lin Xinyi, Tian Junyi remarked with emotion, "Although Zhang Xiangshuai had many shortcomings, his ability to push for the construction of the Hanyang Iron and Steel Plant made him one of the most outstanding ministers of the Qing Dynasty. Without the Hanyang Iron and Steel Plant, there would be no development of Hanyang."

Lin Xinyi also acknowledged this point. The Hanyang Ironworks was not just a steel plant; it also spurred the emergence of a number of modern industries. Looking down from the Hanyang Ironworks to the south bank where the Han River and the Yangtze River meet, nearly 10 kilometers of riverbank were lined with factories of all sizes and chimneys. Along with the downstream docks of the Han River, cargo ships, barges, and wooden boats gathered in the harbor. If this were 1861, it would undoubtedly be the starting point of China's rapid industrialization.

But it was already 1904, so China no longer had the opportunity to develop its industry in peace. Only through bloodshed and fire could China's industry develop step by step. Lin Xinyi sighed and said, "This is the pinnacle of the Qing Dynasty's industrial development."

Tian Junyi and Qin Lishan fell silent. This statement was absolutely correct. Further development was impossible without the involvement of foreigners, as the technological and scientific gap between China and the Western powers was widening. Even something as simple as artillery, Krupp had created designs that the Hanyang Arsenal couldn't comprehend. If Krupp hadn't transferred some technology and machinery to the Hanyang Arsenal, the arsenal's technicians wouldn't even have been able to build the latest recoil-operated cannons. However, the steel used in these cannons still needed to be ordered from Krupp.

In the past, the Hanyang Arsenal was the pride of the Governor-General of Huguang, because we could make what foreigners could make. But now everyone suddenly realizes that we can't make what foreigners can, because their products have transcended the concept of workshops and entered the realm of industry. In the past, Chinese intellectuals and craftsmen could forge a steam engine by following a simple blueprint and examining actual objects, but now they can't even build a generator because they don't understand the principles and lack suitable steel. The industrial bases of both sides are no longer on the same level, making it impossible to replicate any past successes.

However, Lin Xinyi quickly became excited and said, "However, this is our starting point. As long as we overthrow this corrupt dynasty and those reactionary classes that hinder social progress, we will definitely be able to establish our own industrial system..."

Qin Lishan and Tian Junyi also abandoned their concerns about the advanced industries of the great powers and responded to Lin Xinyi, saying, "Yes, this is our starting point. What the Qing Dynasty could not do, we can definitely do."

Tian Junyi pointed to the railway bridge in front of them and said, "We already have an engineering team capable of building bridges, and this bridge will be completed in the second half of the year. Then, we will continue to build bridges downstream and upstream. Once their skills are proficient, we can proceed with the construction of the Yangtze River Bridge. We are not the Qing Dynasty; we will definitely do a better job than them..."

Behind the three, the railway line stretched northeastward. What had once been built in the fields now had construction sites and streets on both sides, and in the distance, a simple light rail line continuously transported stones and soil to fill the low-lying areas on both sides of the railway. Hankou was developing at an astonishing pace, relying not only on physical strength but also on the power of machinery and coal.

Chapter 175 Class

On March 15, the newly appointed Assistant Minister Zhang Yintang arrived in Wuchang. After disembarking, he went directly to the Governor-General's Office of Huguang to visit Duanfang and inquire about matters such as the dispatch of troops from Huguang.

Duanfang then summoned Zhang Biao, Tian Junyi, and others to inquire about the progress of the military expedition. Zhang Biao then pushed Wu Luzhen forward, and Wu Luzhen did not refuse. He stood up and said to Duanfang and Zhang Yintang, "The most important thing in this expedition is not how to defeat the British army, but how to get the Tibetans and the court to stand together. As long as the Tibetans understand that the mainland and Tibet are one, then even if the British can be aggressive for a while, they will not be able to stay in Tibet for long, because the hearts of the people belong to us."

Therefore, the most important thing right now is not how many troops can be deployed to Tibet, but rather to build a road to Tibet and establish telegraph communication between Tibet and the rest of China. A round trip from Lhasa to Sichuan takes at least four months, and the mountains are closed in winter.

The journey from Kolkata to Lhasa takes only a month. There is also telegraph contact between Yadong and Kolkata, and a train connects Kolkata to Darjeeling, a journey of no more than two days. The Yadong border crossing is open year-round.

Therefore, if ties between the mainland and Tibet cannot be strengthened, Tibetans will inevitably lean towards the British Indian government in the long run. We may be able to withstand this time, but we may not be able to withstand the next.

Zhang Yintang breathed a sigh of relief upon hearing this. He had been worried that the Hubei and Hunan authorities would assign him a mere military man, which would have made his trip to Tibet truly troublesome. After receiving the appointment, he had discussed the matter in detail with Tang Shaoyi and concluded that the Tibetan issue could only be resolved through diplomacy; attempting a military solution would inevitably lead to China's defeat.

Seeing Zhang Yintang nodding repeatedly, Duanfang felt relieved. Although he was going to send troops to Tibet, he was terrified of fighting the British. Even if the Chinese army defeated the British in Tibet, what if British warships attacked Wuhan directly from the Yangtze River? Wouldn't that mean total annihilation?

Preserving Tibet without direct confrontation is undoubtedly the safest approach. Since Zhang Yintang agrees, things become much easier. So he asked Tian Junyi, "Committee Member Tian, ​​how much funding can you raise?"

After a moment's thought, Tian Junyi said, "Building a telegraph line from Chengdu to Lhasa would cost about 20 taels of silver, and building a road would be even more expensive. The military's initial budget for troop deployment is 30 taels of silver, but we will have to keep adding to it every month until the British withdraw. So our initial budget is 100 million taels of silver."

This is a considerable sum, and it's unrealistic for the committee to come up with it all at once. We suggest that the committee and the military jointly establish an Expeditionary Force Logistics Management Office to review and disburse each planned allocation. This would make it easier to allocate funds. Furthermore, we hope that Your Excellency will permit the committee to issue public bonds abroad to cover any funding shortfall if necessary.

Duanfang thought Tian Junyi's request was reasonable. One million taels was definitely not enough. After all, Fukang'an had spent ten million taels on his single expedition to Tibet, and that was against a small country like Nepal. If they could solve a problem against the British Empire with ten million taels, they would be lucky. So he agreed without hesitation: "You can decide this yourselves. Also, we need to urge things on Sichuan. This isn't just a matter for Huguang; we can't bear all the responsibility. Assistant Zhang, if you see Lord Xiliang, you must make things clear to him."

Zhang Yintang nodded and said, "Huguang has already put in so much effort, I believe Lord Xiliang will not shirk his responsibility. At least for the road and telegraph line repairs, Sichuan will definitely have to contribute..."

After the meeting ended, watching Wu Luzhen, Tian Junyi and others leave, Zhang Yintang couldn't help but say to Duanfang, "Huguang produces talented people. With talents like Wu and Tian as our assistants, this trip to Tibet is quite promising."

Although Duanfang had little prior interaction with Zhang Yintang, he dared not underestimate this scholar. After all, the Zhang family was a prominent clan, and if it weren't for his elder brother's involvement in the Hundred Days' Reform, the Zhang brothers would undoubtedly be key officials in the court. Duanfang warmly greeted him, saying, "This is a matter of national importance. How could my Huguang region hold Brother Zhang back? Naturally, we will do everything in our power to assist you. Please, I have already arranged a feast; let's go over and chat while we eat..."

After leaving the Governor's Mansion with He Tianjun, Wu Luzhen couldn't help but ask him, "What has Comrade Lin Feng been doing lately? He met with those Japanese students who returned the day before yesterday and hasn't shown up since. I was hoping to talk to him about the specific troop deployment plan."

After thinking for a moment, Tian Junyi replied, "Comrade Lin Feng has been spending these past few days with the workers and the teachers at the workers' night school. You can draft the deployment plan first, and then I'll discuss it with him..."

Lin Xinyi, whom Tian Junyi and Wu Luzhen were concerned about, was currently teaching a class at a workers' night school in Hankou District. Although the workers did not have many days off in the afternoon, the room, which could seat fifty or sixty people, was still full. Many people had to stand on the steps to listen, but everyone was focused on watching Lin Xinyi write and draw on the blackboard without making a sound.

Lin Xinyi put down his pencil, turned around, and said to the night school teachers and worker activists in the classroom: "Based on our sampling survey of several factories in Hankou over the past two days, we can roughly conclude that the daily wages of workers range from about 3.5 jin to 8 jin of rice. So how much profit do these factories make? According to current statistics, the gross profit is between 30% and 50%. Even after deducting expenses such as interest, the net income is still over 15%."

What does this mean? It means that if capitalists continuously reinvest their profits into production, their assets can double every three years. Referring to foreign capitalist systems, a loan interest rate of 3.5-4% is considered a fairly good annual return, while a capital appreciation profit exceeding 8% is considered extremely high, mostly between 5-7%. What does this illustrate? It shows that Chinese capitalists exploit the proletariat to a greater extent than their foreign counterparts.

Why must the proletariat eradicate illiteracy? Because if we cannot calculate the input, output, and profit of a factory, then we cannot demand that capitalists set reasonable wages and benefits. Please remember this fact: all wealth must be created through human labor. In other words, without the labor of the proletariat, money cannot be transformed into capital.

Therefore, the proletariat has the right to demand reasonable compensation from the bourgeoisie. If the bourgeoisie cannot provide reasonable compensation to the proletariat, then what is the difference between the proletariat and slaves? The essence of slave owners' exploitation and enslavement of slaves is simply forcing slaves to work for them. It's just that slave owners use violence, while capitalists use money plus violence.

What will happen if we don't fight back and let capitalists continue to exploit us? Capitalists will treat workers no differently than they treat machines. When a machine breaks down, the capitalist might try to fix it, but if a worker is old, useless, or disabled, then the capitalist will drive them out of their factory.

I've heard that before workers went on strike to fight for their rights, most child laborers worked 12-hour shifts, and at least a third of them would die from various diseases within three to five years. Fellow workers, this is why we must unite against the capitalists, because the proletariat also has the right to live and pursue their own happiness…”

The workers listened with great interest to Lin Xinyi's lectures, as they had never before heard an intellectual speak from their perspective. Although the Labour Party also spoke up for them, helping them learn about culture and opposing excessive working hours and low wages in factories, the Labour Party's previous propaganda towards workers was more akin to humanitarian relief, rather than clearly telling them that this was the compensation they deserved.

Such humanitarians were not uncommon among the workers; they existed even before the Labour Party emerged. While these humanitarians sympathized with their plight, they also told them, "This is fate. You didn't accumulate enough merit in your past life, so you have to suffer in this life. You must earnestly atone for your sins in this life so that you can be reborn as a master in the next."

Or perhaps, the rich and powerful are celestial beings descended to earth, destined to enjoy such power and luxury, while the poor are like weeds on earth, incapable of achieving anything great, and thus destined to live a life of poverty and toil.

Under such rhetoric, the poor's obedience and forbearance are considered virtues, while resistance is seen as a tyrannical vice. Only by maintaining the former can the poor be appreciated by the rich and thus change their lives. Such stories are almost ubiquitous in folk tales.

This kind of brainwashing rhetoric about the poor is actually quite consistent between the East and the West. Twenty years ago, John Hay of the United States said: "If you have property, it proves your own or your father's diligence and foresight; if you have nothing, it proves that you are lazy, wicked or lack foresight. The world is a world of good and evil, and if virtue and evil were rewarded equally, the world would not be what it is."

Of course, Lin Xinyi would never believe such absurd claim. Think about it: in later generations, rice costs 3 yuan per jin (a unit of weight), and your highest daily wage is only 24 yuan (for an unskilled worker). Would you work hard to make the capitalists rich, or smash their heads? Lin Xinyi felt he would definitely choose the latter.

These worker activists clearly preferred the latter option to passively accepting their fate. Therefore, they found Lin Xinyi's arguments against capitalists particularly appealing. This was because Lin Xinyi demanded that capitalists provide reasonable compensation based on their labor, not expect them to hand out charity. Especially after these calculations, the workers truly understood how much capitalists had exploited them, further fueling their discontent with the world.

Therefore, although Lin Xinyi only spent a few days with the workers, they already considered him one of their own. Of course, not everyone approved of Lin Xinyi's method of mobilizing the workers, believing that his remarks might be too radical. After all, the working class was still very weak, and the most important thing for Wuhan at the moment was to develop industry. If the workers' movement was too frequent, it might lead to the loss of capital.

Lin Hsin-yi disagreed with these concerns, stating, "If we don't stand on the side of the proletariat from the beginning, then the proletariat will not trust us. And the Party's bias towards the bourgeoisie will ultimately embolden capitalists, corrupting the Party itself. Those who defend capitalists may not be sincere at first, but after defending them a hundred or a thousand times, will they still find their defense absurd? No, unless they can completely deny themselves, which is tantamount to abandoning their past selves, and it's difficult for people to make such a decision. Most people will only go down a dark path."

Of course, he still said a few more words to Tian Junyi: "We must both fight against capitalists and give them some benefits. Currently, national capitalists are all very small-scale; a factory with thirty or fifty people is considered quite large. However, such small factories exploit workers particularly heavily. Therefore, the Labor Party should help them expand, merge, and concentrate industries, thereby improving the factories' technological capabilities and competitiveness. This way, while improving workers' treatment, the capitalists won't feel dissatisfied, because their raw materials and markets depend on us..."

Chapter 176 Choice

Inside a Wuchang military camp located on the eastern shore of Ziyang Lake, Furukawa Shunhe, standing under a willow tree overlooking the lake, couldn't help but ask his two friends, Kishida Gentaro and Domoto Keiichi, "Are you really planning to go to Tibet?"

Keiichi Domoto remained silent, only turning to look at Kishida. Initially, everyone had signed up as volunteers with the intention of contributing to the nation. Unlike the nationalism held by the Chinese and Koreans, the Japanese cadets at the Marine Corps School identified more with Japan as a nation. Having grown up during the Meiji Restoration's period of vigorous development, witnessing the country's increasing strength, they naturally believed that only a strong nation could ensure a good life for its citizens.

Moreover, with Korea, China, and India as a backdrop, and as the only major power among people of color, the Japanese were more worried than anyone else that white people would unite against them, thus turning Japan into a colony of the major powers.

As is in the Japanese trait, faced with such a situation, most Japanese would choose to join the group of the stronger, thus becoming an extension of that stronger group. This is the popular support that formed the basis for the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. Of course, to defend Japan's unique national polity, the Emperor, who should be the most venerable being in the world, could not possibly bow to the British monarch.

Therefore, naturally, some people wanted to overthrow Britain. Yes, they didn't want to overthrow the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, but rather Britain itself. The Japanese logic was that the Anglo-Japanese Alliance was necessary to defend Japan's independence, but Britain had to be overthrown because its existence threatened Japan's independence.

This way of thinking is actually very similar to the "little pinks" of a certain country in later generations. On the one hand, they believe that Russia and their own country should be a back-to-back alliance, while on the other hand, they believe that Russia should perish together with Europe to better serve their own interests, because in this way their own country can recover its lost territories and take over Central Asia as well, thus entering the heart of Eurasia.

With this sense of patriotism, 17 Japanese cadets signed up as volunteers, though they didn't actually know much about Tibet. Before entering the Marine Corps School, these cadets were all bookworms with little knowledge of foreign geography, history, or politics. After entering the school, they focused their energy on military courses, and even when they joined naval seminars, they mainly learned about Southeast Asia.

Some people didn't even understand which part of China Tibet was on until they boarded the ship. After cramming on Tibet on board, they realized how far this godforsaken place was from the sea. After sailing from the Yangtze River estuary to Wuhan, they realized the difference between a continental country and an island nation, and how insignificant an individual is in the face of such a vast continent.

After the idealistic passion faded, the rationality of realism returned. Most of the Japanese volunteers realized that they would not become heroes in this war, and that dying on the Tibetan plateau might not even leave a name behind. This made them start to wonder if their participation in such a war was truly worthwhile.

At this time, Lin Xinyi appeared. After meeting with the volunteers, he suggested that they stay and set up a school to teach Chinese people, which would also be considered a form of support for the Chinese. The Japanese instructor and advisor leading the team, DeWitt, supported this idea, so many people chose to stay and serve as school instructors. In the end, only five Japanese volunteers, including Kishida Gentaro, insisted on going to Tibet.

Faced with Furukawa's question, Kishida gazed at the fishing boats in the distance on the lake and said without turning his head, "I just want to see what Lin is going to do. If he can do it, why can't I?"

Furukawa Toshihisa was speechless. Lin Xinyi had become a legendary figure in the Naval Academy and the Marine Corps Academy. Most people could only look up to and obey such a person, but there were also people like Kishida who wanted to prove that they were no less than Lin Xinyi, but simply had not found the same opportunity.

Kishida finally turned his gaze away and asked his two friends with a puzzled look, "I insisted on going to prove myself, why are you two insisting as well?"

Domoto Keiichi said leisurely, "Students like us without any background won't have much of a chance to get ahead even if we join the Navy, unless we can gain the favor of our superiors. Chairman Lin has already become a student leader at the military academy before he even graduated, and he will definitely become a big shot in the Navy in the future. If we don't follow him now, are we going to suffer in the Navy?"

Kishida looked at Domoto with surprise and said, "Going to the Navy is just suffering, but going to Tibet is more than just suffering; you might even die. Do you really think Lin Xinyi can come back alive and well?"

Domoto smiled and replied, "Haven't you read the recent analyses from the naval seminars? The chances of the Russians invading China are getting bigger and bigger, which means that Japan and Russia are about to go to war. Even if we don't go to Tibet, we can't be safe. Compared to others, I think we have a better chance of survival if we follow Lin."

Although he didn't know where Domoto's confidence in Hayashi Shinichi came from, Kishida was too lazy to persuade him any further. He turned to Furukawa Shunga and asked, "And why are you going?"

Seeing their predicament, Furukawa Shunga said, "If you two are going, of course I'll go too. I don't know what to do if I stay behind alone..."

While Japanese volunteers were considering staying, the campaign to support the Tibetan people was already underway in Wuhan. Lin Xinyi had previously discussed Western colonialism at a naval seminar and compiled his findings into a booklet, which has now been translated into Chinese and is being disseminated to the public.

The British invasion of Tibet didn't garner as much attention in Chinese society as the Russian occupation of Manchuria, because Tibet was simply too remote and unsuitable for settlement and development. In contrast, the construction of the Chinese Eastern Railway led to a massive influx of immigrants from the interior of Northeast China, naturally making this region, which had been closed off by the Manchus for two centuries, increasingly important on the national map.

Before the Qing Dynasty officially abolished the Willow Palisade in 1860, there were almost no Han Chinese in Heilongjiang and Jilin. However, by 1900, the registered population of northern Manchuria alone had exceeded 150 million. In 1897, the Qing government fully liberalized immigration to the three northeastern provinces, proposing an official plan of 60 immigrants per year. After 1900, the annual number of immigrants to the three northeastern provinces exceeded this plan.

Because of the increasing number of immigrants to the three northeastern provinces, Manchuria and Outer Mongolia have attracted more attention from the Chinese people. As for the border regions such as Xinjiang and Tibet, the Chinese people are less concerned, because the number of Han people in those places is really not large.

However, the Boxer Rebellion ultimately aroused the national consciousness of the Chinese people. In the past, the Chinese people did not have such a deep feeling about the Opium War and the First Sino-Japanese War. They regarded these wars as wars between the Manchus and foreign powers, not wars between China and foreign countries. Therefore, even during the invasion of the Eight-Nation Alliance, there were still people who gave directions to the Eight-Nation Alliance and sold food.

It wasn't until the Allied forces occupied Beijing and committed atrocities against civilians that the Chinese people truly realized this was a war between nations, not between the Chinese court and foreign powers. The Boxer Indemnity, in particular, further awakened the Chinese people to the fact that the foreign powers, having defeated the Chinese court, were not there to become benevolent rulers; they were there to exploit the Chinese people.

It was only after the Boxer Rebellion that nationalism was truly accepted by the Chinese people, which is the root cause of the new policies implemented after the return of the emperor to the capital and the initial rejection of the revolutionaries. However, during the anti-French and anti-Russian movements, the court kowtowed to the foreign powers while ruthlessly suppressing students who wanted to support the court in resisting the foreign powers and safeguarding national territorial sovereignty. This led to a large number of students turning to the anti-Manchu revolutionary stance.

This anti-colonial pamphlet perfectly met the needs of progressive youth, and thus quickly spread from Wuhan. The pamphlet was primarily written by influential figures among progressive youth, such as Chen Tianhua and Zou Rong, and the Chinese version was written in simple and easy-to-understand language, making it readily accepted by the youth.

Because of the dissemination of this pamphlet, a steady stream of young people volunteered to join the expeditionary force. These included not only locals from Wuhan but also young students from other provinces. Qin Lishan quickly organized these young people, placing some in workers' night schools, persuading others to join normal schools to continue their studies, and having others become propaganda and logistics personnel for the expeditionary force.

On March 20, after spending five days in Wuchang, Zhang Yintang decided to set off for Chengdu. Lin Xinyi decided to join Zhang Yintang's guard and go to Chengdu first to understand the situation in Sichuan and Tibet.

On the afternoon of the 20th, Lin Hsin-yi and a few other senior members of the Labor Party held their last meeting. At the meeting, he emphasized to these committee members: "The party organization is actually no different from a person. The brain of a person is the party's central committee. Therefore, the central committee does not need to think about how to walk, eat, or talk, but rather decide which direction this body should move in. If it goes in the wrong direction, this body will get stuck in the mud or a dead end, ultimately leading to the demise of the party."

Therefore, if we divide the Party into three parts—the top level, the middle level, and the grassroots level—the main task that the top level should undertake is to discuss the Party's line; the main task that the middle level should undertake is to address organizational development; and the main task that the grassroots level should undertake is to engage in political activities.

I want to emphasize again that revolution only involves different divisions of labor, not different statuses. Top-level, middle-level, and grassroots organizations may have a subordinate relationship in their work, but they are equal in the revolution. Attempting to use the status of a higher-level organization to suppress correct suggestions from a lower-level organization is bound to be wrong. Lower-level organizations must accept the leadership of higher-level organizations, but they must also accept correct criticism from other lower-level organizations.

So what constitutes correct advice and criticism depends on whether it upholds the party's ideals or the authority of the party or an individual. The Labour Party's goal is to build a world without oppression, not a world oppressed by the party. If such a situation were to arise, then we must either overthrow the erroneous line and factionalism within the party, or we must dismantle this corrupt organization and rebuild a new one that can represent the people…”

Although Lin Feng's speech at this meeting was more impassioned than at their first meeting, the committee members listened more attentively. This was because, in the past two weeks, Lin Feng had accomplished at least what would have taken them two to three years to achieve. The grassroots organizations in Wuhan, especially the labor unions, had become Lin Feng's full supporters.

Chapter 177 Entering Sichuan

After the meeting, Tian Junyi made one last effort to persuade Lin Xinyi to stay and work in Wuhan, or at least wait until after the National Congress to make a decision. Lin Xinyi refused again, saying, "There is nothing wrong with the current development of the Chinese revolutionary organization. At least in China, there is already such an organization guiding the people toward revolution."

The only problem with this organization right now is the lack of practical experience in terms of methods, awareness, and ability to fight. This needs to be improved through revolutionary practice. Even if I stay, there will be no rapid change.

But the revolutions in Tibet and India are different. We have no organization or foundation there, and without a strong leader, it would be very difficult for revolutions to occur in Tibet and India. I feel I can barely handle this job, and I don't feel comfortable entrusting it to anyone else, so I must go.”

Lin Xinyi then glanced at Tian Junyi and said, "As for you, I have a piece of advice for you. In politics, you must trust the working class, understand the working class, and rely on the working class. Although the working class may go astray, they are still the most steadfast force in the revolution. Distancing yourself from the working class will cause the party to lose its direction."